Since the events following the death of the rapper Azagaia, the security apparatus around the President has changed.
Security around the perimeter of the Presidential Office in the capital is now ostensibly protected outside the wall surrounding the institution; a police casspir vehicle is parked close to the side entrance, and another in the area around the Presidential Palace at Ponta Vermelha.
What does Nyusi fear?
Probably, after Samora Machel, Nyusi is the president with the most security paranoia. Even the marshal did not have armoured vehicles visibly displayed as part of his personal security.
Apart from adding GOE (police Special Operations Group) personnel in his security apparatus at the start of his first term, Nyusi has surrounded himself with people from his tribe in the national security cluster. Directors General Lagos Lidimo and Bernardo Lidimba (SISE – State Intelligence and Security Service), Police Commissioner Bernadino Rafael (PRM – Mozambique’s Police), Joaquim Ribas Mangrasse (Army Chief of Staff), with at least two following the presidential perspective to the letter.
Except for Júlio Jane, who was SISE Director General from 2017 to 2022, who is from Manica, and Mangrasse from Niassa, the security cluster have been “Makondised“, a break from the perspective of capabilities, competencies and the political matrix of national unity.
One would have to go back to March 2023 to understand the rationale for the beefing-up of the president’s security detail: the weekly Evidências published in its 1 March edition an absurd political fact warning of the “imminence of a coup d’état”, perhaps to justify the unease in the ruling party at Nyusi’s attempts to stay in power.
Fortuitous or not, Rafael, without showing his face, took on this element to prevent the holding of marches in honour of Azagaia on 18 March, and authorised the excessive use of force against young people preparing for a march in Maputo and disband others nationwide – remember that Rafael was reappointed Police Commissioner despite internal opposition and clear incapacity despite his spectacular bent.
Rafael’s deputy, Fernando Tsucana appeared on national television to explain a confused comunique the brutal crackdown on the youth as a coup prevention measure.
The security paranoia is visible. In the ruling Frelimo party, one cannot contradict or comment on the actions or choices of the President, and there is no debate – remember Castigo Langa’s case. The order for the few who frequent the corridors of power is to agree.
Almost at the end of his two constitutional terms, Nyusi is clearly a man afraid. Of what? This is a moot question.
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