Last week, the Political Commission of Mozambique’s ruling Frelimo party met to, among others, discuss the list of the party’s internal pre-elections for mayoral candidates and member of municipality assemblies in the forthcoming municipal elections.
Apart from one or two new names being added to the list, the Political Commission decided to give back power to the provinces to vote their own candidates.
One of the names on the list is that of César de Carvalho, who is the current mayor of the city of Tete, in the central province of Tete – so, according to the Political Commission, de Carvalho is likely to become Frelimo’s candidate for mayor and thus succeed himself.
The matter would not constitute an ethical problem at all were it not for that fact that de Carvalho was in 2013 investigated by the Anti-Corruption Office (GCCC), a body under the scope of the Attorney-General’s Office (PGR), and charged with the crimes of breach of trust and perjury.
The GCCC found that de Carvalho had attributed himself 12 plots of land but when questioned, he said that he had not done so even when evidentiary documents said otherwise.
Perhaps because of a pending court case, de Carvalho stepped down at the end of his term in 2013. He should have then been tried but for a postponement, according to the Mozambique’s Centre for Investigative Journalism (CJI).
With no trial, de Carvalho was entrusted by his comrades to be at the helm of the city in 2018 for another five-year term and is likely to be vying for his succession.
Comment
Frelimo’s own statutes read that “The behaviour of party members, in their daily lives, should be characterised by: the spirit of self-esteem, self-confidence, culture of a) work, zeal and dedication. Respect for the public money; b) Fighting corruption and criminality.”
Corruption is a persistent problem in many developing countries, imposing several burdens on businesses, citizens and the state itself.
As elsewhere, in Mozambique, which has been run by Frelimo since its birth as a sovereign state, these burdens include increased costs for legitimate business, reduced revenues for the government, less efficient and equitable distribution of public services, a deteriorating international reputation and a growing perception that the country is not favourable to trade and investment.
It is thus strange that Frelimo’s Political Commission has again ensured that de Carvalho continues to control the levers of municipal power even though a shadow of corruption hangs over him.
The other strange thing is why a decade later de Carvalho’s case is yet to be tried, which raises the suspicion that the ruling party might have influenced the judicial system.
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